Saturday, December 31, 2016

Time to get radical again

Hunter Wallace wrote an article with a click-bait-ish title, 'The Trump Honeymoon is Already Over'. My response is as follows. I hope Trump turns on Putin - something which I believe will be inevitable, but won't occur in the first 100 days. As for trade, I hope tariffs stay where they are: we don't want to return to the 1930s and the days of the Smoot-Hawley tariff. On the subject of the economy, Trump's tax cuts and deregulatory bills will lead to an increase in job creation. Shutting the border - to legal and illegal immigration - will help there as well.

Trump disappoints on the subject of Israel. But then, he never pretended to be anything other than a Zionist and a Jew-fawner: look at the debates in the Republican primaries. You can't claim that Trump misrepresented himself.

The same applies to Trump's stance on Afro-Americans and race. Trump very skilfully, during the election campaign, avoided antagonising Afro-Americans, and like a standard Jack Kemp Republican, blamed the problems of Baltimore, Detroit, Chicago and black-majority cities on 'lack of school choice' and 'poor Democratic administration'. A few school vouchers, a few enterprise zones, a few capital gains tax cuts, would make inner city poverty, squalor and crime vanish as if by magic.

Trump ran for the most part as a conventional Republican. The differences between Trumpism and Republicanism lay in three areas: 1) Trump wanted protectionism, 2) he wanted immigration restriction and 3) he didn't want to touch Social Security or social welfare spending. When it came to 3), Trump very shrewdly steered the Republicans back to the center - where they had been at the time of Reagan. He recognised that the Republicans had moved - especially in the past eight years - too far to the Right and that a corrective reorientation was needed.

I think Wallace's article does possess validity insofar that it does reflect an underlying dissatisfaction with Trump on the racialist and nationalist scene: we've come to the realisation that Trump has taken nationalism - you want to call it that - as far as it can go within the arena of electoral politics; one can't go any further than Trump and expect to be elected as head of state. Trump is as good as it gets. The pessimistic conclusion one can draw, then, is that no-one to the right of Trump stands a chance; populists such as Le Pen in France and Petry in Germany can't win.

I came across a gloomy 4Chan thread, 'We have to be prepared for the worst: Germany may re-elect Merkel in 2017', which gives a damning indictment of the liberal democratic electoral system in Germany - and, when you think about it, in the West as a whole. The way some German posters explain it, AfD can't possibly win, and it's more than likely that Merkel will be re-elected.

Anonymous (ID: BkZa/jEM) 12/31/16(Sat)00:02:35

It's difficult to get rid of a chancellor when you don't just have two options.

The options we have are center left (what should be center right cdu), lobbyist left (what should have been center left spd), commie left, pedo hippie left, libtards and then there's AfD. That makes it difficult for parties to get the majority of the votes, so there's usually a coalition and with all parties leaning to the left it's easy to exclude the AfD. Some people might also be afraid of a red red green coalition, "center left", far left, pedo hippie left with (((Martin Schulz))) as chancellor, so they decide to vote CDU, because that increases the chances of a big coalition, CDU+SPD, again with Merkel as chancellor. Even if AfD somehow got enough votes to make any other coalition but CDU+AfD possible, which they don't want, Merkel would still be chancellor.

A Swiss poster puts in:

Anonymous (ID: fOmBdqlJ) 12/31/16(Sat)01:11:58 No.104968253▶

Germ-land is double cucked because the current chancellor is CDU
AfD is making most of its gains from former CDU voters
Thus if AfD becomes stronger due to general redpilling, ironically the majorities shifts towards the far left
This is because nobody will even consider a coalition with the AfD (outcasts) and therefore the next most likely coalition is SPD Linke Greens - thanks to AfD voters!
This is the kind of shit that fuels civil wars

Selznick writes, in The Organizational Weapon - a book I covered in a previous post - how the institutions of civil society can serve the useful purpose of working as a pressure valve on popular discontent. But the electoral system in Germany will in 2017 show itself not to be up to this task: it will be unable direct the anger of the German electorate - or shall we say, the German people, the German Volk - into safe channels (safe from the viewpoint of the German political establishment, that is). The system, as it exists now, is not set up this way.

But this raises some interesting questions. The Weimar constitution was widely criticised for allowing the rise to power of Hitler and the NSDAP, and so the post-war German liberal democrats - who had been installed by the Allies - came up with a constitution, the Grundgesetz, or Basic Law, which was thought to be a vast improvement on the Weimar and completely devoid of the Weimar's flaws. But Merkel, the immigrant invasion and the coming 2017 elections show that the problems of the system can't be solved within the system.

Does this entail, then, riots, revolution, the rise to power of 'fascists', 'Neo-Nazis'? It doesn't, unfortunately; but it will lead to a dull resentment, a slow-burning rage, and the tarnishing of the legitimacy of the Bundesrepublik. This is first time this has happened since 1949.

But this signifies the failure of the Allied project. The Allies conquered Germany in order to impose on it - 'democracy'. Elections, the rule of law, 'freedom', were returned to Germany - at the point of the gun - because, it was believed, these formed part of a political system ('democracy') which was superior to both fascism and communism. 'Democracy' would work well in Germany so long threats to it - from communism, or a resurgent fascism - were contained and neutralised. But these threats to the system were understood to be exogenous - that is, coming from without, not within; the notion that 'democracy', at least as embodied in the Basic Law, could collapse under its own weight was unthinkable. As the years passed, and the Bundesrepublik weathered all challenges, complacency set in. But now, in 2017, German 'democracy' appears to have hit a brick wall: it can't cope with the immigrant invasion and it can't cope with Merkel. And the present impasse can't be blamed on Neo-Nazis and communists - it can only be blamed on the structure of the German party system itself. 'Democracy' in Germany has, dare I say it, failed.

But this has wider implications. Frank Sinatra sang, in New York, New York, 'If I can make it there
/ I can make it anywhere'. I say that if 'democracy' can't make it in Germany, it can't make it anywhere.

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